After dividing the state, it’s time to rule. Narendra Modi and his men are swept in on a post-Godhra vote.
DIONNE BUNSHA
in Ahmedabad
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After dividing the state, it’s time to rule. Narendra Modi and his men are swept in on a post-Godhra vote.
DIONNE BUNSHA
in Ahmedabad
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The Muslims may have been broken and silenced. But they still have the most powerful democratic weapon—the vote. And they are determined to wield it.
DIONNE BUNSHA
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In Gujarat, fear is not a four-letter word. In fact, it’s the centrepiece of the BJP’s election campaign, effectively obscuring the real issues.
DIONNE BUNSHA
in Ahmedabad
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Narendra Modi wants Gujarat to be proud of all that is Gujarati. Does that include the recession, unemployment and drought? Here are some of the real problems silenced by the political rhetoric
DIONNE BUNSHA
Recession
Gujarat’s industrial growth has fallen since the 1990s. It was 11.16 % in 1996-97 and 8.07 % in 1998-99, but dropped to 5.05% in 2000-01. The state domestic product grew by only 1.1 % in 2000-01, as compared to 20 % in 1994-95. Agricultural growth is only one percent, and is very unstable, given the frequency of drought. The communal violence has further deepened the recession. The state lost Rs 25,000 crores in the carnage, according to the Congress. The post-riot recession hit people’s livelihoods, and led nine broke families in Ahmedabad to commit suicide.
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Gujarat’s communal violence claimed more than 1,000 lives and left around 150,000 people homeless. Eight months after, Dionne Bunsha takes a look at how different people are dealing with the after-shocks.
Boys in the Hood
“I’ve never worked a day in my life. I live by cheating,” boasts Hiren (name changed). “I don’t ask for money. People give me money to get their work done. I take haftas (bribes) directly from the cops. If they refuse, I threaten to make a phone call and get them transferred,” he says, explaining his modus operandi. “What’s wrong with it? Who doesn’t cheat? From top to bottom,” Hiren laughs mischievously.
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Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi rides on, spewing venom all the way. But will his game plan, with an eye on the elections, work?
DIONNE BUNSHA
There’s nothing like good fight to round up every festival. That’s the Sangh Parivar’s firm belief. Every celebration is being used to spread hate. The Gods must be invoked at every opportunity to stir up communal strife. After the dreaded Jagannath Yatra in Ahmedabad and the Janmashtami festival in Rajkot, it was now the Ganesh festival that spread terror in Gujarat. Four people were killed and 20 injured in Vadodara city in clashes that broke out on September 20th when the Ganesh processions wound their way through Muslim areas, shouting provocative slogans.
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Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi sets off on his `Gujarat Gaurav Yatra’. Will the Akshardham temple terrorist attack fuel his chariot?
DIONNE BUNSHA
in Gandhinagar
Dazed and confused. That’s how most Gujaratis felt after two terrorists stormed the Akshardham temple in Gandhinagar on September 24th, 2002, murdering 37 and injuring 81. For a state yet to fully recover from the recent communal violence, the deaths of innocent devotees (including young children) came as a grim reminder that violence could still spark off anytime, anywhere. Another tragedy in the cycle of violence that has struck Gujarat. But for the grim reapers of the violence, it was another tragedy to twist for political mileage.
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Chief Minister Narendra Modi is a man in a hurry—to cash in on the hate at the hustings. Will it pay?
DIONNE BUNSHA
It was politics that incited a mob to loot and burn her house. But politics is the last thing on Asiabibi Sayeed Ansari’s mind. Still living in the Bakar Shah Roja relief camp in Ahmedabad, Asiabibi is not even certain where her next meal will come from. The government has de-listed and stopped supplies to the camp she stays in, although it houses around 650 people. On July 20th, the camp organisers said they would not be able to cook for the refugees anymore. “They gave us rations and told us to prepare our own food. But we don’t even have vessels to cook in,” says Asiabibi. Her house is being re-constructed by a Muslim charity. “The government gave us only Rs 2,000. That will not even pay for the door,” she says. “They should first make sure that everyone has got back their homes and jobs, then think about elections,” Asiabibi adds.
But chief minister Narendra Modi isn’t bothered about Asiabibi or the estimated 25,000 refugees in Gujarat’s relief camps. His only priority is to hold elections as soon as possible, to count his votes over their losses. Over 1,000 people were killed in the state-supported communal violence and more than 1.5 lakh people were made homeless. Eager to cashing in on what he perceives to be a ‘pro-Hindutva’ wave (but others call ‘fear’ and ‘terror’), Mr Modi dissolved the Gujarat assembly on July 19th, immediately after the presidential elections. He asked for early polls, much before the scheduled elections in early 2003. This led to chaos in Parliament. Both Houses of Parliament were adjourned on July 22nd with the opposition protesting against Modi’s move. They called for his dismissal and for President’s rule in the state. But the BJP was in no mood to listen. Deputy prime minister L.K. Advani said Modi had handled the riots better than any other chief minister in the last 50 years.
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